THE BIBLE'S POLITICAL VISION

 

By Stephen Palmquist (stevepq@hkbu.edu.hk)

 

Politics and Religion

 

      If the Bible never explicitly endorses democracy, and continually warns against the dangers of trusting in the evil powers of this world, then how can so many Christians take it for granted that democracy and Christianity go together like hand and glove? In other words, what is it that often keeps Christians nowadays from seeing the deceptions of democracy unveiled in the previous chapter? Before we look to the Bible for an alternative to democracy, it will be helpful to discuss a fundamental objection which might be raised against the arguments developed in Chapter Two.

 

      Many Christians regard the God-man relationship as so distinct from man-man relationships that statements about the former (i.e., about divine government) could never be a reason for accepting or rejecting any worldly political system. To assume otherwise, it could be argued, would be to commit a fundamental "category mistake":[1] "politics and religion must be kept apart", one might insist, "because politics deals with our outward, human relationships, whereas religion deals with the relationship of our spirit to God." Adherents of this "two kingdoms" view would argue that the Bible offers no alternative political system, so it is prudent simply to choose the least evil of the worldly systems, which is democracy.

 

      This argument would be valid only if the Bible were to separate our spiritual and political natures into two unrelated realms, and if it were not to offer a specific political philosophy of its own. Yet both of these assumptions are open to considerable doubt. The Bible does not make the former distinction, but instead portrays the Way of God as permeating and governing every aspect of human life. There is nothing "secular" (i.e., spiritually neu­tral) in life, according to the Bible-no law which is not to be regarded as a religious law.[2]  Everything is, or ought to be, viewed as impinging upon the sacred. For ultimately, "Christ is all, and in all."[3] Anyone who adopts this biblical point of view is therefore not committing a category mistake in treating religious statements about cities and kingdoms as relevant to worldly politics, as long as it is understood that the political system which the Bible presents refers to a (logically) higher or deeper level of "politics" than any worldly systems.[4] The real category mistake occurs when some­one be­lieves political agreements can be wholly separated from religious commit­ments, as if they were two realities standing side by side (on the same logi­cal level)!

 

      The second assumption, that the Bible itself offers no distinct political philosophy, can be refuted only by examining the text more closely, to see what it actually says about politics. In so doing, we shall find that, as Stringfellow rightly observes, "Biblical politics are alienated from the poli­tics of this age" [S6:13].  Nevertheless, if we know what to look for [see above, pp.1-4], we shall discover that the Bible does present a surprisingly consistent vision of politics. Indeed, it contains far too much material to cover exhaustively in a book such as this. Accordingly, this chapter can provide no more than a general overview of what I see as the main points.

 

Politics in the Old Testament

 

      IfweturnfirsttotheOldTestament,thefirstpointtonoteisthatpolitics -that is, people's agreement to control or allow themselves to be con­trolled by other people-is not part of the original image of God. Genesis 1 tells us mankind is given the task of ruling over "the earth", which is said to include plants, fish, birds, and creeping animals [1:28-29], but not other human beings! In Genesis 2 we see that other human beings (as repre­sented by Eve) are intended to serve as "helpers" in the task of subduing the earth [2:18]-co-workers under the direction of God. The first hint of worldly politics arises in Genesis 3, as a direct result of Eve's attempt to grasp wis­dom and exercise authority over Adam [3:6]. After she eats the forbidden fruit, God tells Eve "your husband...shall rule over you" [3:16]. This ar­rangement replaces the original agreement between God and man (which might be called "natural politics" [see below, Chapter Six]), according to which Adam and his helper were allowed to enjoy the fruit of all but one of the trees in the garden.

 

      In the concluding chapter of the creation story, Genesis 4, we read that Cain, the first-born son of Adam and Eve, kills his younger brother out of jealousy and then goes away and builds a city [4:17]. In light of the political connotations of the word "city" [see above, pp.1-3], this story can be interpreted as a picture of how politics arises directly out of man's attempt to run away from God. The first full-fledged political unit mentioned in the Bible is depicted as one of the first and most concrete results of human evil.

 

      The rest of the Old Testament can be regarded as an extended exposition on this same theme, demonstrating why all forms of worldly politics (i.e., politics instigated by human beings) are bound to fail. After the first city is founded, we are told, such wide­spread corruption and violence develops [Gen. 6:12-13] that God decides to destroy everyone except Noah and his family, and start over again. But after the flood Noah's descendants confer together and say "Come, let us build for ourselves a city, and a tower whose top will reach into heaven" [11:4]. Genesis 11 says God "came down to see the city and the tower" [11:5], and decided to "confuse their language" [11:7] to prevent them from becoming too powerful [11:6]. As a result the people "stopped building the city" [11:8] and named the city (not the tower!) "Babel" (which means "lip" or "language") [11:9]. So once again man's agreement with man in the form of a city becomes the root of human evil and results in alienation from God.[5]After this, God decides to choose one person, Abram, and build from him "a great nation" [12:1-2], apparently in the hopes that at least one group can learn how to follow God instead of being bound by human power-games.

 

      The name eventually given to this great nation is "Israel", which in Hebrew means "he struggles with God" [Gen. 32:28]. Significantly, when God gives Jacob this name, he repeats the promise he had given to Abraham, but then adds "And kings shall come forth from you" [35:11], thus hinting that mankind's struggle with God is to take a political form even for the chosen people.

 

      The first king of the nation Israel comes, however, not as a gift from God, but as a reluctant concession to the complaints of the people, who, as we read in 1 Samuel 8, were dissatisfied with the corrupt ways of the younger priests, and so asked Samuel, the High Priest, to "appoint a king for us to judge us like all the nations" [8:3-5]. When Samuel asks God for guidance on the matter, God's answer is unambiguous: "Listen to the voice of the people..., for they have not rejected you, but they have rejected me from being king over them.... [H]owever, you shall solemnly warn them and tell them of the procedure of the king who will reign over them" [8:7,9]. Samuel obeys, and gives the people a long list of the different ways in which their freedom will be restricted, and evil will come upon them, as a direct result of having a king.[6] Chapter 8 ends with Samuel ex­claiming to the people: "Go every man to his city" [8:22]-in other words, "Prepare yourselves for politics!"

 

      And politics of the worst kind is just what the people of Israel experience throughout much of the remainder of the Old Testament. The string of kings we read about are mostly corrupt, and even the good ones sometimes end up misusing their power at the expense of the citizens.[7] As a result of their failure to obey God consistently under the political order they had de­manded, God allows the people to be conquered and taken captive on several occasions. This means that the two things they feared most, which served as the occasion for their demand to have a king [see p.47n below], end up coming to pass anyway: not only are the people sometimes treated unjustly by their own corrupt kings, but they are attacked by nations with strong kings in spite of (or perhaps because of) having their own king.

 

      The lesson in all of this, for the Christian at least, is that the "Old Covenant" can never fulfill its purpose. God had spoken to the people through Moses and given them a set of laws. But instead of internalizing these laws and following their spirit, they externalized them and formed them into a kind of "golden calf": i.e., a set of rules and regulations which could serve as a political agreement between the people and their leaders, and which therefore lent themselves naturally to abuse [see Appendix A]. Thus we read in Isaiah 28:13-15 that the true "boast" of those "who rule this people in Jerusalem" is:

 

 

We have entered into a covenant with death,

with the grave we have made an agreement.

...for we have made a lie our refuge and falsehood our hiding place.

 

 

As a result, they will hear from the Lord nothing but the meaningless echo of their own political babbling:

 

 

Do and do, do and do,

rule on rule, rule on rule;

a little here, a little there ...

 

 

Indeed, the whole story of the state of Israel can be regarded as an extended example of the evil that results when people wish to control God by making his Law into a tool of human government, rather than allowing the govern­ment of human hearts to be used as a tool of God!

 

Politics in the Gospels

 

      The Old Testament's overall account of the political aspects of man­kind's struggle with God is summarized symbolically by king Nebuchadnezzar's dream of a statue with a golden head and feet of clay [Dan. 2:31-45]; for this suggests no man-made political system will ever have the strength or endurance to stand on its own feet, no matter how pure (like gold) its ideology is. Fortunately, the New Testament offers an alternative, by rejecting what the people of Israel had been fooled all too often into believing-viz., the idea that they could be saved by following a set of external laws. The "New Covenant", according to which God's law is written on the heart of each person, was foreshadowed in the Old Testament [e.g., Jer. 31:33], but did not come fully into view until Jesus demonstra­ted through his life and teachings just how this new Way operates.

 

      Jesus' ministry begins as soon as he has resisted three severe temptations, at least one of which is explicitly political.[8]Satan offers to give Jesus power over all the kingdoms of the earth if only he will bow down and worship him. Jesus ignores Satan's bold claim to control this power and replies simply that God alone is worthy of worship.[9] Jesus must have known that if he tried to grasp after such external power, it would slip through his fingers like sand [cf. Mat. 7:24-27]. In fact, he may well have believed that his status as the Son of God gave him the right to possess those kingdoms; yet he recognized that the only way to gain what was due to him was to give it up.

 

      In his teachings Jesus repeatedly emphasizes the political im­plications of this insight. Most of Jesus' parables are concerned with encouraging his followers to see politics from a new perspective by seeking after the "kingdom of heaven" which exists in their hearts, rather than placing their hope in ordinary worldly kingdoms [see below, pp.69-73]. Accordingly, immediately after offer­ing to give Peter "the keys of the kingdom of heaven" [Mat. 16:19], Jesus severely rebukes him for not understanding that the way of God's kingdom involves suffering and death [16:25]: "Get behind me, Satan!", he exclaims, "You are a stumbling block to me; for you are not setting your mind on God's interests, but man's" [16:23]. Likewise, Judas is regarded as the instrument of Satan [Lk. 22:3] because he wanted Jesus to set up a worldly political kingdom.

 

      But Jesus' strongest condemnation of all is reserved for those who used relatively insignificant religious rules and regulations as a quasi-politi­cal means of forcing others to act in a certain way, thus neglecting the "weightier" matters of "justice and mercy and faithfulness" [Mat. 23:23]. Jesus calls the Pharisees an evil "brood of vipers" [12:34; 23:33; see also 3:7], "hypocrites" [e.g., 23:23] and "blind guides" [e.g., 23:16,24], not be­cause their ideas were evil, but because they took good, spiritual ideas and politicized them to promote their own selfish purposes. Thus Jesus charges them with having committed the only unforgivable sin, "blasphemy against the Spirit" [12:31], which involves taking the Law that applies to the heart (i.e., the Law of the Spirit [cf. Rom. 8:2-11]) out of its proper context and forcing it upon someone else through political lawmaking.[10] A good example of how they did this is given in the story of the woman caught in adultery [Jn. 8:1-11]. By showing the Pharisees that they were all condemned by the same internal Law, he demonstrated the inadequacy of any philosophy of life based on (supposedly absolute) external laws instead of on this (truly absolute) Law of love [cf. Rom.13:8].

 

      Most importantly, Jesus practiced what he preached. He conquered death by dying willingly. At the very moment of Jesus' death, the Gospel writers tell us, "the veil of the temple was torn in two from top to bottom" [Mat. 27:51]. The veil of the temple kept the written "Law of God" hidden in a special, holy place, where only certain privileged people could enter. As long as the Law remained separated and external in this way, it was actually a curse for the people. Thus, the tearing of the veil is clearly a symbol of how Jesus, by choosing the Way of the Spirit and therefore dying to the ways of the world, breaks the curse that causes people to misuse the Law. As Paul puts it: "Christ redeemed us from the curse of the Law, having become a curse for us" [Gal. 3:13; cf. 2 Cor. 5:21].

 

The Bible's Ultimate Affirmation of Politics

 

      So far it looks as if I am arguing that the Bible is totally against all forms of politics. Yet this is not the case. For, although Jesus was taken out of the city to be crucified (representing his lack of dependence on political solutions), his resurrection occurred inside the city (representing his ultimately political goal of establishing God's kingdom). This can be regarded as a symbol of the political hope at the heart of the Christian message, a hope often expressed by characterizing the life of faith as one that looks forward to a new kind of political unit-i.e., to a new "house", "city" or "country" [e.g., 2 Cor. 5:1-4; Heb. 11:8-16; 12:22; 13:14; see also Mat. 5:14]. Paul leaves no doubt about the implications this final goal of both human and divine endeavor has for worldly politics when he says the end time will arrive "when [Christ] delivers up the kingdom to the God and Father, when he has abolished all rule and all authority and power", so that "all things are sub­jected to him" and "God may be all in all."[11]

 

      Along these lines, the last book of the Bible culminates with an elaborate vision of a "holy city, new Jerusalem, coming down out of heaven from God, made ready as a bride adorned for her husband" [Rev. 21:2; see also 21:10]. In this picture of the ultimate union of heaven and earth, the powers of democracy and all other worldly political systems finally give way to what can be called a "politics of love" [see below, Chapter Seven], with everyone equally subjected in absolute commitment to God, and receiving absolute freedom in return. The establishment of this union is foreshadowed throughout the book, but nowhere more profoundly than in the heavenly response to the sounding of the seventh angel's trumpet: "and there arose loud voices in heaven, saying, 'The kingdom of the world has become the kingdom of our Lord, and of his Christ; and he will reign forever and ever'" [11:15; see also 11:17-18].

 

      The technical term for the kind of political system described in such passages, one that aims to establish a divine political order on earth, with God alone as the ultimate guiding power, is "theocracy" (i.e., "God-rule").[12] Once we recognize that a universal theocracy is the political goal towards which the entire Bible points, and that it is pictured as a city which comes out of heaven and is established on earth, it becomes clear that all the Bible's warnings about the dangers of depending on man-made political systems refer only to non-theocratic political systems. In other words, the hope of the "theocrat" is not just for an eternally pleasant life after death (so-called "pie in the sky when you die"); rather, it is that, by promoting non-attachment to purely worldly political systems, we can be freed to help bring the earth itself one step closer to opening its arms to receive the gift of the heavenly politic, which alone can bring mankind lasting peace.

 

      There is, in fact, one book in the Bible which I believe gives us brief glimpses of what theocracy on earth could be like, and suggests that in spite of its idealistic overtones, it ought to be considered as a viable option even today. In describing the early days of Israel's occupation of the Promised Land, the book of Judges tells us that, when the people had a problem or needed to make a decision, they were supposed to consult God, then wait until they saw clearly the direction in which he was pointing them. On several occasions, including the last verse in the book, we read the following description of life during this early period of Israel's history: "In those days there was no king in Israel; every man did what was right in his own eyes" [Jud. 17:6; 21:25; see also 18:1 and 19:1].

 

      This statement is almost always assumed to have an entirely negative connotation, inasmuch as "right in his own eyes" seems to mean "wrong in God's eyes". Indeed, some scholars regard it as the author's explanation for why a king was necessary, though the text never states this explicitly. Yet Deuteronomy 12:1-11 seems to imply that it was God's intention that they follow this lawless system, "every man doing whatever is right in his own eyes", until the people reach their "resting place" across the Jordon. That is, only when  God gives them "rest from all [their] enemies" will the Law of Moses finally be implemented. This clearly had not yet come about during the time of Judges, since we read that God allowed their enemies to remain in the land as a "test" of their faithfulness to him [Jud. 2:22-23]. In other words, the system may have failed not because it was the wrong system, but because the people continually perverted it by trying to take control of God's power and give it to a human being (a "judge"). As we shall see in Chapter Four, such a perversion of theocracy is an ever-present danger, but it does not invalidate the attempt to implement true theocracy.

 

      This system of self-ruling, surprisingly devoid of externally enforced laws-the Law of Moses is never mentioned in Judges-repeatedly fell prey to the same type of political distortion. Time after time the people "did evil in the sight of the Lord" [Jud. 2:11; 3:7,12; 4:1; 6:1; 10:6; 13:1]. God would punish the people's evil deeds by sending some form of oppression upon them, nearly always political [e.g., 3:12]. After this they would call out to God, who would send a temporary leader to save them [3:15]. The people would then live in peace for a time [3:30], until they once again fell into evil and the cycle would begin again.

 

      What is often ignored is the fact that, despite the continual failure of the people, God was trying to teach them a political lesson, and that the few times they caught a glimpse of it, the system worked for as long as the people accepted God as their ruler.[13] Perhaps the best description of this "lesson" comes in the story of Gideon, who refused to make the political mistake which kept the cycle of evil going. After winning a decisive battle under the leadership of Gideon, the people of Israel do the very thing God was trying to teach them not to do: they ask Gideon to "rule over us, both you and your son, also your son's son" [Jud. 8:22]. But Gideon's response shows that at least one person has learned the lesson: "I will not rule over you, nor shall my son rule over you; the Lord shall rule over you."[14]

 

      The stories in Judges suggest that theocracy can be regarded as a religiously enlightened "autocracy" (in the literal sense of "self-rule"). As such, the relationship which is most closely analogous to theocracy (in the manner of the family relationships in Aristotle's framework of political systems [see Table 1]) would be that between a person and himself or herself. This, of course, is not so much a family relationship, as the founda­tion of all one's relationships. We must keep in mind, however, that such a relationship is only truly theocratic when we regard ourselves as dwelling in God and/or vice versa [see pp.29-30n above], so that, along with St. Augustine, we regard God as being nearer to us than we are to ourselves.[15]A person who observes a theocracy from the outside, who looks at it with the world's eyes rather than God's, would therefore see the lack of an ex­ternally en­forced code of laws and would probably regard it as anarchy![16] But this is the price which must be paid: someone who does not believe in God will look at the theocrat as a fool [cf. 1 Cor. 1:18-25].

 

      Christianity explains how what looks like self-rule can in reality be God-rule by saying God's Spirit lives within the human spirit, and informs us of the proper way to go at every step. Thus John says "you have no need for any one to teach you", because "his anointing teaches you about all things" [1 Jn. 2:27; see also Jn. 14:26 and 16:13]. This does not mean that education is entirely worthless, or that schools and universities are always of the Devil, but that no one should allow another human being or human system to be the master of one's spirit (whether it be by means of so-called education, religion, politics, or any other method of influencing another person's spirit), but should stay in tune with God's Spirit, and treat this as the absolute authority in all matters. Yet theocracy does not require us to be self-centered, locking ourselves up in a completely private relation­ship between ourselves and God. On the contrary, its "first and greatest" inner Law requires a love of God that compels us to reach out and love our neighbor with the same love the Spirit has taught us to apply to ourselves [Deut. 6:5; Lev. 19:18; Mat. 22:36-40]. It is tragic to think how few Christians take seriously the Bible's call to this theocratic way of life.

 

The Risks of A Non-Political Political System

 

      The main problem with theocracy, and the reason I believe it is so diffi­cult to implement without perverting its intended form [see Chapter Four], is that it requires people to have enough faith in God to make themselves vulnerable to abuse, both from their fellow countrymen and from outside invaders.[17] Theocracy requires indivi­duals to take an absolute risk with their very lives, just as Jesus did at Gethsemane, by resisting the temptation to appeal to man-made laws or human saviors for self-protection against unfair treatment. It flies in the face of ordinary worldly rationality by claiming the way to have true life is to die. The rationale for living in this way was never entirely clear to God's people, except to specially gifted individuals such as Abraham and Gideon, until Jesus came to show how everyone can live by the "way of the cross" [see Mat. 16:24-25].

 

     Christianity is at its core a religion of the cross, which says if we want to live for God we must learn how to suffer and die, to sacrifice everything and endure all manner of injustices in order to follow the call of God resounding in our heart. Unlike worldly power, "[theocratic] power is perfected in weakness" [2 Cor. 12:9]. Accordingly, Jesus taught and demonstrated that the "power" [kratos] upon which theocracy is based is the sacrificial power of "meekness", the very opposite of the notion of power upon which the world's political systems are based. When Jesus says the meek "shall inherit the earth" [Mat. 5:5], he is saying that the very thing the world's political powers most desire to possess will be freely given to those who are willing to give up their right to have it-those who are willing to suffer and even to die at the hands of the ones who believe they can possess the earth merely by grasping it.[18]With this hope in mind theocracy not only can become a reality for anyone who chooses to be absolutely committed to God, but is already a reality because of how perfectly Jesus himself followed this Way of love and death [see e.g., Jn. 16:33].

 

      Theocracy, therefore, is the system the Bible presents as God's way of establishing peace and order in human society [see Y1:112-113]. Conflicts are to be resolved not by appealing to some external law, but by individuals mutually seeking inner guidance from God, and as a result, following the Way of self-giving love demonstrated by Jesus. Inasmuch as theocracy is a non-political kind of political system [cf. E1:140], the question of the possibility of Christian politics must in a sense be answered by saying it is not possible: "Christian politics" is a contradiction in terms as long as "politics" is taken as referring to human power struggles, which inevitably enslave us to the world; for Christianity frees us from our self-imposed bondage to the world! Hence, the only "Christian politics" acknowledged in the Bible is the type that rejects the idea that merely human government can be an ade­quate means of maintaining peace and order.

 

      Theocracy warns that a Christian who chooses to lend active support to one of the worldly political systems must be careful not to be fooled into regarding that system as intrinsically good, for to do so is to miss the whole point of the Christian message. Christian politics is biblically possible only by putting to death our worldly desires to secure more rights and more power for ourselves, so that the worldly-based political order can give way to a spiritually-based political order which springs up in the heart of each individual.

 

      Anyone who professes to be a Christian, and who regards the Bible as a reliable guideline for life, ought to treat this issue of the possibility of theocracy with the utmost sincerity. For the Bible clearly teaches that theocracy is our only hope for building a world in which people can live in peace and harmony with each other. Just as Kant answers the question "How are synthetic propositions a priori possible?" [see above, p.4] by "deny[ing] knowledge in order to make room for faith" [K1:xxx], so also the vision of biblical theocracy solves the parallel problem of Christian politics by requir­ing us to deny the independent validity of all worldly political systems in order to make room for faith in the government of God![19]

 


 



[1]      Ryle defines a category mistake as a logical error in which a person allocates certain concepts "to logical types to which they do not belong", often giving rise to a question which is unanswerable because it is incoherent [R1:16-18]. In other words, a person uses a word that applies properly to one type of thing as if it applies to another, as when someone sees several Oxford colleges and then asks "But where is the univer­sity?", as if the university were simply another college.

 

[2]      Even if this were not the case, the "two kingdoms" or "two swords" view of politics [see e.g., H3:98-109; W1:197-200] would still be seriously flawed. For as Stringfellow puts it in S6:80-81: "in spite of all the theories about the two provinces of Church and State, the fact is that they constantly overlap one another."

        Some New Testament writers do distinguish sharply between the "flesh" (or the "world") and the "spirit" (or "creation"). But this is quite different from the way "secular" is often used today, as referring to a supposedly "neutral" realm, untouched by the spirit, or irrelevant to spiritual concerns. In the Bible "worldly" always refers to a realm opposed to the spiritu­al, in a way that should be called "profane", since it is never merely neutral. As Jesus puts it: "He who is not with me is against me" [Mat. 12:30]. But as we shall see, the ultimate goal of the biblical narrative is to unite the sacred and profane in the form of a "new creation". So these four ways of viewing the world can be pictured as follows:

 

        In T3:44 Tillich argues that at times "God's activity may be seen more clearly in a profane...phenomenon...than in the explicitly religious sphere of the church." For a good discussion of the difference between the secular and the profane, see T2:87,98,102, though in these passages Tillich uses "profane" to describe the neutral sphere and "demonic" to describe the anti-religious sphere. Both spheres have in common a basic "resistance against self-transcendence" [87]. See also N1, a sustained polemic against the notion of secular politics, which Neuhaus calls the "naked public square" [see especially 172-173].

 

[3]      Col. 3:11; see also p.42n below. This idea pervades the entire New Testament, and is sometimes related di­rectly to politics, as in 1 Cor. 2:6-10: "...we speak God's wisdom in a mystery...which none of the rulers of this age has understood...; for the Spirit searches all things, even the depths of God." This passage makes a distinction between the political and the reli­gious; but the clear implication is that the latter thoroughly permeates the former (though not vice versa), just as in the relationship between a university and its colleges [see above, p.34n].

[4]      See above, p.34n. Neuhaus admits in N1:29 that there is a legitimate sense in which Christians can regard the coming of God's kingdom as "political". Unfortunately, he passes this off as irrelevant to the political concerns of modern-day Christians, whose "devotion to the democratic idea" [85] must take precedence in discussions of church-state relations [cf. p.70n below]. Earlier he had confessed that "our deeper stake is not in the policy specifics...but in the larger movement of liberal democracy" [9]. This, as we shall see, is in sharp contrast to the "deeper stakes" the biblical writers had in view!

[5]      Language ("babel") also plays a key role in this story. The story suggests that in order to "reach God" we must look beyond human language as well as politics-a point supported by the experience of innumerable mystics [see also Rom. 8:26-27].

[6]      1 Samuel 12:17-19 says the people had done "an evil thing in the eyes of the Lord...when [they] asked for a king."  Nevertheless, kingship can be a good system for them "if[they]feartheLord"[12:14].Afterathoroughstudyofsuchtexts,Eronconcludes[E5: 266]: "dependence on military strength is contrary to the Israelite concept of theocracy."

 

[7]      The story of David and Bathsheba [2 Sam. 11:2-12:25], for example, focuses not on David's sexual sin, but on his misuse of God-given political power for selfish motives [see 12:7-10]. Ellul explains that "the Bible curiously insists upon David's faults", apparently in order to show that all the kings were corrupt [E4:49; see also E1:9,90]. He then argues that the Old Testament consistently presents "the God of Israel...as himself the enemy of royal power and the state" [E4:50]. It is indeed "a politically very odd phenomenon...that for every king there was a prophet", and that the prophet's message from God to the king "was always in opposition to royal power.... None of the false prophecies that were favorable to the kings has been preserved in the holy scriptures" [51-52]. Ellul traces this situation right up to king Herod, in Jesus day [46-55].

[8]      Yoder argues in Y1:30-34 that "all the options laid before Jesus by the tempter are ways of being king" [30]. Later, he points out that each temptation corresponds directly to one of the main events in Jesus' later ministry (feeding the multitude, cleansing the temple, and not resisting the Romans in Gethsemane) [56-57]: in each case Jesus is again rejecting the temptation to choose "the real option of Zealot-like kingship". Throughout his entire book Yoder effectively demonstrates the thoroughgoing political aim of Jesus' ministry: indeed, the word "gospel" itself is, as he explains in Y1:34, a po­litical term. See especially Chapter Two [26-63] for a revealing sketch of the political themes running throughout the Gospel of Luke.

 

[9]      Lk. 4:5-8. Ellul thinks this passage implies that "all powers, all the power and glory of the kingdoms, all that has to do with politics and political authority, belongs to the devil" [E4:58]. Jesus' indirect answer, however, seems rather to imply that Satan has no right to make such a claim in the first place, since the extent to which he controls political power is ultimately in God's hands [see e.g., Ps. 115:16]. Ellul himself goes on to say that such power "has been given to [Satan] and he gives it to whom he wills" [emphasis added]; but in­stead of explaining that God therefore remains ultimately in control, Ellul concludes rather dogmatically: "Those who hold political power receive it from [Satan] and depend on him."

[10]    That blasphemy has an explicitly political meaning is argued by Stringfellow in S6: 27,37,69-70. He points out that in Revelation "blasphemy" means "offense of political authority before the Word of God" [69]. Thus, for example [70], "when nations conceive their own sanctification and pronounce wars just, there is the...blasphemy of the An­ti­christ."

[11]    1 Cor. 15:24,28; cf. Is. 2:2-4; 45:22-24; Dan. 7:13-14; Mic. 4:1-4; Zec. 9:10; 14:9; Eph. 1:9-10; Php. 2:11; Col. 1:16-17; 2:15; 3:11. This "end" of our political world is described with particularly striking beauty in Habakkuk 2:3,14:

 

For the vision is yet for the appointed time;

It hastens toward the goal, and it will not fail.

Though it tarries, wait for it;

For it will certainly come, it will not delay....

For the earth will be filled

With the knowledge of the glory of the Lord,

        As the waters cover the sea.

 

[12]    The Greek word "theos" means "God". Although the term "theocracy" never appears as such in the Bible, the idea of God's rule is assumed throughout [see e.g., Jud. 8:23; Dan. 2:44; Col. 3:15; etc.]. The biblical understanding of God's rule, however, is much differentfromthemosttypicalhistoricalunderstandingofhowtheocracyistobeputinto practice. As Stackhouse puts it, rather bluntly, in S5:69: "'theocracy', literally means God's rule, but actually refers to the system in which clergy have some authority over the civil government." Yet why should a bad system be given the best name? In order to distinguish this common false assumption about the meaning of the word "theocracy" from the true meaning we find in the Bible, I will refer to the latter as biblical theocracy.

        "Theocracy" has been misunderstood and wrongly applied so frequently that virtually all Christian scholars have ceased to treat it as a serious option, using the word only as a con­venientl abel for various types of false political expectation [seee.g.,J1:443;M3:106;S2:41;butcf.M3:111]. It is typically regarded as nothing but the political system where­in "the state succumbs to the church" [N1:130]. Thus Neuhaus describes a modern theocracy as an attempt to "replace democracy with 'the rule of the righteous'" [120], right­ly re­jecting it on the grounds that "the church is not the kingdom of God" [122]. El­lul adds that in "theocratic systems...human law is [wrongly regarded as] the direct ex­pression of the will of God" [E2:12n; see also E4:46]. Likewise, Burkhardt refers to the Jewish "Temple State" as a theocracy, and to other theocracies in which "a god...func­tioned side by side with the King" [B3:94; see Appendix A]. In his helpful historical sketch of vari­ous at­tempts to construct theocracies [S5:95-109], Stackhouse points out that Chris­tians have often drawn encouragement from Augustine's City of God; though not itself fully theocratic (in this false sense), it "outlined one of the basic convic­tions of [false] theoc­racy, the superiority of the Church to the State" [96]. (On Calvin, compare S7:130-135 and H3:151].) By contrast, the title of the present book is based on the conviction that this erroneous view of theocracy should not prevent us from seeing true theocracy. In Chapter FourI will therefore discuss in more detail some of the different misconceptions of theoc­racy, and warn against the dangers of perverting the biblical picture of theocratic politics.

        Jaynes develops a rather unique, neuro-psychological theory of the origin and nature of theocracies in J2 (see especially Chapter II.2, "Literate Bicameral Theocracies" [176-203]). He describes a theocracy as a rigidly structured hierarchical society wherein the people, and especially the leaders, are guided by the voice of God [80,83]. In a bicameral theocracy, "each person had a part of his nervous system [usually in the right hemisphere of the brain] which was divine, by which he was ordered about" [201-202]. Jaynes stresses that such internal voices were not merely imaginary: "They were man's volition." "It is not the human beings who are the rulers, but the hallucinated voices of the gods" [181]. Jaynes focuses mostly on the phenomenon of idol worship (voices emanat­ing from god-statues), overlooking much of the spiritual depth and richness of monotheistic theocracies; nevertheless, his view comes much closer to the biblical model than do the theologically-based misunderstandings cited in the previous paragraph. For Jaynes recog­nizes that a true theocracy is, in a very important sense, non-political: "In the bicameral era, the bicameral mind [i.e., God] was the social control, not fear or repression or even law" [205]. These people could experience such divine control, he explains, only because they lacked "consciousness" (by which he means self-consciousness) :they had no "private life" as we know it today. The practice of using fear (or "cruelty") as a political tool arose only with the ad­vent of (self-)consciousness, with its "analog I" [214]. Unfortu­nately, Jaynes does not acknowledge the viability of theocracy as a live option even in mod­ern times: borrowing his terminology, we might say our basic task is to synthesize our (self-conscious, Greek) left brain with our (theocratic, Hebrew) right brain-a task that I believe first began in the life of Jesus, as recorded in the New Testament.

[13]    See e.g., Jud. 8:23; 20:1-36; cf. Deut. 6:18. Ellul recognizes the politically rich connotations of Judges [E4:46-48], though without giving proper attention to the signifi­cance it places on God's rule [see below, p.46n].

 

[14]    Jud. 8:23. Unfortunately, Gideon did not realize how far the people were from learn­ing this lesson themselves: he asked the people to give him some of the gold taken dur­ing the battle and formed it into the shape of an "ephod" (a priestly garment); he then "placed it in his city", apparently not realizing that the people would worship this image instead of God [8:24-27].

 

[15]    See Books I and X of A4. In this sense Kant's description of the motto of the Enlightenment ("Have courage to use your own reason") could be paraphrased as the motto for theocracy, once we recognize that "reason" is his term for that which links us to the divine: "Have courage to use your own relationship with God as the touchstone for all your judgments" or "Have courage to place yourself first and foremost under the political rule of God." Along these lines, the writer of Proverbs, when admonishing his lazy son to have the courage to be free [6:1-7], reveals a theocracy of sorts implicit even in his (albeit, socio-biologically naive) description of the animal kingdom [6:6-8]:

 

        Go to the ant, O sluggard,

        Observe her ways and be wise,

        Which, having no chief,

        Officer or ruler,

        Prepares her food in the summer,

        And gathers her provision in the harvest.

 

[16]    History teaches us that anarchy (i.e., absence of all political authority) gives rise to a chaotic situation in which evil and injustice reign supreme. Theocracy must there­fore be clearly distinguished from the pure libertarianism which would have anarchy as its final end. The libertarian political system, with its polemic against excessive government control of human life, may appear to be (and may at times actually be) the worldly system closest to theocracy. Unfortunately, libertarians normally base their theories on an atheistic humanism which assumes that religion is just as reprehensible as govern­ment [see N1:144,150]-an assumption which turns out all too often to be justified!

        Some scholars, most notably Eller [E1] and Ellul [E4], have argued at length that anarchy is the political system "closest to biblical thinking" [4]. Ellul agrees with secu­lar anarchists on many points, including "an absolute rejection of violence" [11] and of political power in general [e.g., 58,69,72]. But he disagrees on one key point: "an ideal anarchist society can never be achieved" due to the ubiquity of "covetousness and the desire for power" in all human beings [20]. Unfortunately, when tracing the political thread running through the Bible [46-85], he neglects nearly all references to God's rule, thus giving the (potentially misleading) impression that the Bible is "the source of anarchy" [45].(IcriticizeEllul'spositioninChapterFive[pp.74n,76-77n,88n].)Eller's"Christiananarchy", by contrast, is virtually identical to theocracy in its emphasis on "God's rule" [see E1:38,82,130,152,160,166,222]-a similarity Eller comes close to recogniz­ing by associating Christian anarchy with "theonomy" [E1:3; cf. p.60n below].

[17]    By contrast, the two main reasons the people of Israel eventually asked for a king were that they were afraid of the corrupt generation of young judges [1 Sam. 8:3-5] and of being attacked by nations with strong kings [8:19-20]. In other words, they had lost their former faith in God's miraculous protection.

[18]    Cf. B2:122-123. Neuhaus explicitly denies that "the powerless­ness of the cross" could serve as a realistic model for the modern church, insofar as it "is engaged in the struggle for [political] power" [N1:131]. This is because he believes religion must accommodate itself to the methods of politics, not vice versa. Unfortunately, he thereby fails to take seriously the pos­sibility that power­lessness is the Christian policy for attaining power. By contrast, Moltmann develops a radically political "theology of the cross" as the critical key to "a politics of freedom" [M7:33-46]. Yoder likewise fully acknowledges the thoroughly political nature of the cross [Y1:43]: "the cross and the crown are alternatives.... The cross is...the political alternative to both insurrection and quietism." Thus Tinder errs in assuming "power is intrinsically evil" [T4:140; see also 133-139 and B3:38,120]; for the cross is not meant to abolish all power (as Ellul also assumes [see above, p.46n]), but to redeem it. It is only worldly power, and the struggle to attain it, which are properly regarded as in themselves evil. As Yoder argues in Y1:135-162, God ordained the "powers" that rule the earth; and even though they have rebelled, Jesus effectively counteracted this rebellion on the cross. Likewise, he explains [158], "if the disciple of Jesus Christ chooses not to exercise cer­tain kinds of power, this is not simply because they are powerful; for the Powers as such, power in itself, is the good creation of God." Rather, such a choice is based on "a refusal to use unworthy means [i.e., rebellious, worldly power] even for what seems to be a worthy end." Although he regards it as the key to Jesus' political method­ology, Yo­der is careful to warn against the false assumption that powerlessness in itself is a "recipe" for success; on the contrary, it ought to be regarded simply as an act of "obedience" [see 244-248].

        Stackhouse aptly expresses the Christian view of power in terms of a fundamental paradox [S5:8]: "Political power is not a simple thing, but like man is 'fearfully and wonderfully made'. It is a paradox which can be understood only when both of its two sides are recognized. One of these sides is the way that political power can be a demonic evil in spite of the fact that God created it. The other side is the way political power can be a creative good in spite of the fact that it cannot achieve the supreme good." Unfortu­nately, Stackhouse himself underestimates the ubiquity of the former side in all political systems, and fails to explain how the gospel transforms it into the latter side.

[19] The "scandal to philosophy" which K1 was intended to solve once and for all was that no one had been able to provide a con­vincing proof of "the existence of things out­side us (from which we derive the whole material of knowledge...)" [K1:xxxixn]. Kant's answer was that in order to expose this scandal the philosopher must adopt the transcen­dental perspective. Only a transcendental argument can prove the objective reality of empirical objects. In a similar way I believe the Bible offers a solution to what has been a "scandal to politics" ever since the first city was founded, namely, that no one had been able to pro­vide a convincing explanation of the way to achieve peace (from which we derive the whole idea of harmonious human relationships). The Bible's answer is that peace is (as it were) a priori possible only when we adopt the theocratic perspective. For only theocracy can provide the way to achieve real peace. Moreover, just as the transcendental perspec­tive makes possible our knowledge of the empirical world by detaching itself from that world and defining its limits, so also theocracy makes possible our experience of and (as we will see in Part Two) active participation in the world's political systems by detach­ing itself from those very systems and defining their limits.

 

 


 

 

 

 

 

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